Newspaper and Journal Articles-Quoted

Main

Mr. and Mrs.President

See How They Ran

Even liberals and Democrats cheered. "I think, as a speech, it was a 10. He put forward a battle plan, he inspired Americans, he brought us all together," said California's Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein. And a New York Times editorial gushed that the famously tongue-tied politician "echoed the staccato cadences of Winston Churchill" himself.

When President Bush entered the historic chamber, he was competing with Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy" response to Pearl Harbor and with Abraham Lincoln's "With malice toward none, with charity towards all" second inaugural address. Two weeks ago, even the most ardent Bushies would not have dared to compare their boss with such demigods. Today, George W. Bush is orbiting in the presidential stratosphere.

Bush certainly did what he needed to do on Thursday night. Perhaps never before in American history had the simple act of giving a speech meant so much. Assembling Congress, the Supreme Court and the Cabinet together in the Capitol -- a little more than a week after it was abandoned in panic -- reaffirmed America's resilience. Bringing along Mayor Giuliani, New York Governor George Pataki and the widow of one of the men who fought the terrorists only enhanced the drama and further ensured Bush's success.

Ultimately, speeches are judged by their words and not their settings. Bush hit all the right notes in his address. He calmed the country, defied America's enemies and challenged America's allies. He refused to rabble-rouse -- and reassured Muslims this police action is not a crusade.

Yet, re-reading the words, it is still not clear whether America has found its Winston Churchill. For starters, no "day of infamy" line has yet emerged. President Bush had no novel or enduring formulations to describe this terrorist scourge. As a result, different pundits applauded different lines. Some liked the literary parallelism in his vow: "Whether we bring our enemies to justice or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done." Others enjoyed the rhetorical equilibrium of the claim that "this country will define our times, not be defined by them." Still others preferred the Clint Eastwood-esque line-drawing in the sand: "Every nation in every region now has a decision to make: Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists."

Moreover, Bush did not articulate an affirmative vision that will unite Americans. When leading the nation into what became the First World War, Woodrow Wilson demanded, "The world must be made safe for democracy." On the eve of the Second World War, Franklin D. Roosevelt described what he called "the Four Freedoms" -- freedom of speech and expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want and freedom from fear. In fact, Bush Junior did not even match his father's call for a "New World Order." "Freedom and fear are at war" just will not make it to the rhetorical hall of fame.

Finally, there were no transcendent lines in the speech. Abraham Lincoln's call for "malice toward none" while offering "charity for all" taught a powerful lesson to all humans, not just the victorious North after the Civil War.

The current president was strongest in delivering punchy and rhythmic lines. "The only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life," Bush avowed, "is to stop it, eliminate it and destroy it where it grows." Toward the end, Bush vowed, "We will not tire, we will not falter and we will not fail."

These are criticisms of a very high order. And, of course, classics are rarely recognized overnight. Stirring words, like fine wines, can take years to mellow. Perhaps the greatest speech in American history, Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, was not even the main event at the dedication of the Gettysburg national cemetery in November, 1863. The Gettysburg Address was Edward Everett's two- hour oration. Expecting another lengthy address, many listeners were surprised when Lincoln sat down after his brief 272-word tribute. Lincoln himself feared the address had failed.

Nineteenth-century Americans used to say "some people are born to greatness; some people have greatness thrust upon them; and some people are born in the right state." Bill Clinton spent eight years whining that there were no monumental challenges that would prove his true greatness. Most unhappily, on Sept. 11, George W. Bush had the opportunity for greatness thrust upon him. "Great harm has been done to us," Bush said on Thursday night. "We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment."

It will take years to see just how well Bush fulfills that mission. Nevertheless, so far, W. is confounding his critics, uniting his people and bearing his unprecedented burdens effectively.

Gil Troy is Professor of History at McGill University. He is the author of Mr. and Mrs. President: from the Trumans to the Clintons.